Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Ethiopia charges 29 Muslims under anti-terror law


ADDIS ABABA -.Oct. 29 . The fourth criminal bench of the Federal High Court heard charges brought against 29 Muslim leaders  that are accused of committing acts of terrorism.
The 29 accused -- including nine prominent Muslim leaders -- were jailed following protests in July staged by Muslims against the government.
Among the accused was Habiba Mohammed, is one of 29 Muslim activists and faith leaders accused of conspiracy to commit unspecified acts of terrorism. According to prosecutors, Ms. Habiba also tried to defraud 1.5 million Ethiopian Birr from the Islamic Supreme Council of Ethiopia.Habiba also received more than 50,000 birr from the Saudi Arabian Embassy to fund terrorist activities amongst Ethiopia’s Muslims, it was alleged , The wife of the former minister of civil service, charged with smuggling funds to support religious extremism.
Demonstrations began in January by Muslims who accuse the government of trying to impose the moderate Al Ahbash Sufi branch of Islam, a Lebanese import mostly alien to Ethiopia.
Protesters also accuse authorities of fixing elections for the leaders of the Supreme Council on Islamic Affairs, the community's main representative body, after jailing Muslim leaders who would have participated in the vote.
Two local non-governmental organizations were also charged with "rendering support" to terrorism.
The courtroom in the Ethiopian capital was filled Monday with armed police officers alongside the 29 accused, who stood before a judge to receive the charges.
Dozens of family members and friends who could not fit inside the courtroom waited outside and cheered as the charged returned to prison on buses.
According to official figures, nearly 34 percent of Ethiopia's 83 million people are Muslim.
Ethiopia's constitution calls for a secular government and prohibits government interference in religious affairs.
This month, Ethiopia's new Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn insisted the government respects religious freedom.

Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Ethiopian Women Football team leaves for Equatorial Guinea


Ethiopian Women Football team leaves for Equatorial Guinea

Ethiopian Women Football team
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Ethiopia's National Women Football team "Dinkinesh" (Lucy) left today for Equatorial Guinea, where it will take part in the 8th African Women Championship.
Ethiopia is drawn in Group 2 with Nigeria, Cameroon and the Ivory Coast. The team will play its first match on Sunday against Ivory Coast.
Women football in Ethiopia has made tremendous progress over the last few years. This marks the third time that an Ethiopian women team will compete in the continental competition , despite the fact that the country doesn’t have a league of its own, This, however, will change this year as the Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF) has instructed all 14 Premier League teams to form a woman team as well.

Ethiopia: Army Commits Torture, Rape

Gambella Atrocities Follow Attack on Commercial Farm; New ‘Villagization’ Abuses
Nairobi) – The Ethiopian military responded to an April 2012 attack on a large commercial farm in Gambella region with arbitrary arrests, rape, and other abuses against scores of local villagers. Forced displacement, inadequate resources, and other abuses against Gambella’s population persist in the second year of the government’s “villagization” program.
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/28/ethiopia-army-commits-torture-rape

Tuesday, October 23, 2012

Ethiopia: Four killed as Muslim protesters attack Ethiopia prison


  Four people were killed in eastern Ethiopia when a group of armed demonstrators raided a police station following protests over alleged government interference in Muslim affairs, an official said on Monday.
Thousands of people have staged weekly street protests and mosque sit-ins in the Horn of Africa country's capital for nearly a year, arguing that the government is promoting an "alien" branch of Islam - the Al Ahbash sect - which is avowedly apolitical and has numerous adherents in the United States.
The protesters say the government controls Ethiopia's highest Muslim body, the Supreme Council on Islamic Affairs, and has prevented long-overdue elections that could bring alternative views onto the Council.
Officials deny interference and accuse the demonstrators of plotting to spread "extremism" in the country, which is 63 percent Christian and 34 percent Muslim, according to official figures.
The Council held polls two weeks ago but some members of the Muslim community had called for boycotts.

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Ethiopia : Azeb Mesfin refusing to move out from palace


 
Azeb Mesfin, widow of Ethiopia's late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi
Ethiopia : Azeb Mesfin 'refusing to vacate palace
The powerful widow of former prime minister Meles Zenawi is reportedly stalling on vacating Ethiopia's national palace for the country's new leader and his family.
According to government sources, Mrs Azeb Mesfin has ignored instructions to move to a new residence that would also be accorded full security detail.
The government has given Mrs Azeb and her children the option of three residential villas in Addis Ababa but she is said to have refused to even visit any out of her own security concerns.
Government officials recently wrote a letter requesting her to leave the palace for the new prime minister, Mr Hailemariam Desalegn.
The new leader and his family are currently living in a small residential villa in the western suburb of the capital.
Mr Hailemariam was sworn in last month after having served as interim premier since Mr Meles' death on August 20. An internal struggle over whether to confirm him into office was said to have had the widow as one of the main players.
Due to the delay in transferring the palace, Mr Hailemariam is forced to stay in office late in the night and head back very early in the morning to avoid being inconvenienced by the busy Addis Ababa street that leads from his current home to his office. He is reportedly also avoiding inconveniencing city residents and uses less security detail than his predecessor.
The government has deployed tight security around his current home but wants him to move to the more guarded palace.
Mrs Azeb is one of the top officials and a former rebel fighter under the Tigrian Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), one of the four coalition partners of the powerful ruling party, during the 17-year armed struggle against Mengistu Hailemariam's Marxist regime.
A mother of three, she secured a parliamentary seat in 2005 and was re-elected in 2010.
She also heads the multi-billion dollar ruling party-owned business conglomerate, EFFORT.

Friday, October 12, 2012

A CRITICAL VOICE LOST TO ETHIOPIA’S WAR ON INFORMATION


A CRITICAL VOICE LOST TO ETHIOPIA’S WAR ON INFORMATION
Reeyot Alemu, Ethiopia
2012 Courage in Journalism Award

A CRITICAL VOICE LOST TO ETHIOPIA’S WAR ON INFORMATION
Reeyot Alemu has been imprisoned in Ethiopia for more than a year, branded as a terrorist. She is one of many journalists who have been arrested, interrogated and threatened in her country. What makes Alemu exceptional are her commitment to work for independent media when the prospect of doing so became increasingly dangerous, her refusal to self-censor in a place where that practice is standard, and her unwillingness to apologize for truth-telling, even though contrition could win her freedom. In jail, Alemu was offered clemency if she agreed to testify against journalist colleagues. She refused and was sent to solitary confinement for 13 days as punishment for her failure to cooperate. She is currently being kept at Kality prison, which is known for its filthy conditions. Recently, she has fallen ill; in April of this year she underwent surgery at nearby hospital to remove a tumor from her breast, after which she was returned to jail with no recovery time.
“I believe that I must contribute something to bring a better future,” Alemu said in an earlier interview with the IWMF. “Since there are a lot of injustices and oppressions in Ethiopia, I must reveal and oppose them in my articles.” Alemu said one of her “principles” is “to stand for the truth, whether it is risky or not.”

To work for free media in Ethiopia is indeed a risk. The country has the second-highest number of imprisoned journalists in Africa, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, after notoriously oppressive Eritrea. Late Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi publicly attacked non-state members of the press, calling them “messengers” of terrorist groups. Increasingly, “terrorist” is a label attached to any entity with an opinion on politics, social issues or human rights that does conform to government rhetoric. In the capital city of Addis Ababa, Alemu worked for numerous, often short-lived independent publications. At least four news outlets to which she contributed were forced out of business by the Ethiopian government. Her reporting explored the root causes of poverty, lack of balance in national politics and gender equality. In 2010, she founded her own publishing house and a monthly magazine called Change, both of which were shuttered.
In the months prior to her arrest, Alemu was slandered in government-run media for her reporting, a common tactic to intimidate journalists. According to a colleague, Alemu also received threatening phone calls. “Reeyot was able to speak about issues even the most mature and outspoken political opposition leaders were unable to voice,” said a friend of Alemu’s who works at an Addis University. “Until this day, she has…faced up to the challenges that many have bowed down to.”
Alemu taught English classes at an Addis high school. She gave part of her salary to her students from poor families. It was at the school that she was arrested in June 2011. Her home was raided by police and a number of her personal documents were seized. At the time, she was working as a columnist for independent daily newspaper Féteh.
For more than a week, Alemu was held with no indication as to why she was detained. Then, a government spokesman announced at a press conference that Alemu was one of nine people suspected of organizing terrorism. The terrorist group they were accused of abetting was unnamed and specific crimes were not cited. It was two months before Alemu and another journalist in the group of nine were formally charged.

Cover of Alemu's book titled "EPRDF's Red Pen", published in August 2012
Alemu is one in a number of journalists who have been prosecuted under the vaguely worded and broad-reaching anti-terrorism laws passed by the Ethiopian legislature in 2009. The laws allow for the arrest of anyone thought to “encourage” parties labeled as terrorists.
Under this law, Alemu was sentenced to 14 years in prison and fined 33,000 birrs (about $1,850). Prior to her arrest, she made less than $100 per month at her teaching job and little more as a reporter. During her trial, government prosecutors presented articles Alemu had written criticizing the prime minister, as well as telephone conversations she had regarding peaceful protests, as evidence against her. In August 2012, an appeals court subsequently reduced the 14-year prison sentence to 5 years and dropped most of the terrorism charges against her.
The Ethiopian government has effectively limited media coverage to topics friendly to the ruling EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front), which holds more than 99% of seats in parliament. It has done this through charges of treason and terrorism levied against reporters and free media, public criticism of journalists and passage of laws that punish sources of information about opposition political parties and questions of human rights.
Alemu was willing to risk her freedom to challenge the standard explanations, or failure to explain, the systemic decay in her country. According to her friends and colleagues, she thought she could make a difference in the trajectory of her people; she thought her work might make things better. And now she has been silenced, like so many others.
“She is a person who has a bright vision for her country,” said a friend and former colleague based in Addis. “But, she is in prison.”



Tuesday, October 9, 2012

.Ethiopia: Independent papers say gov't banned


BY KIRUBEL TADESSE


Two weekly newspapers that have been critical of Ethiopia's ruling party have stopped publication because of government obstruction, the papers' publishers said Monday.
The publishers are appealing to the country's newly appointed Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to intervene. A government spokesman said the Ethiopian government is not telling printers not to print the papers.
Both Feteh, the country's largest weekly at 27,500 copies, and Finote Netsanet, which is published by the largest opposition group, Unity for Democracy and Justice, have been unable to reach their readers for several weeks after the state-owned Berhanena Selam printing company refused to continue printing them.
"We tried other printers, private ones as well. Some say they don't have the capacity while others first agree to print our paper only later to refuse us without any reasons," said Negasso Gidada, a former president of Ethiopia who now leads an opposition political party with the lone opposition member in the 547-seat parliament.
"They simply tell us 'Please don't come back ... we only want sports and medical issue papers ... not politics."
The group says its paper was forced off market after featuring critical articles on the legacy of Ethiopia's late leader Meles Zenawi, who died Aug. 20.
The opposition group said it sent Hailemariam two letters demanding he stop "authorities' attack of the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech."
Temesgen Desalegn, editor in chief of Feteh, said that his paper's July 20 issue was blocked from distribution because a prosecutor said that the news report it hoped to publish - that Meles had died - was false. The printer has since refused to publish the paper, citing an order by the Ministry of Justice, he said.
"They told me if I can bring a written letter from the Justice Ministry saying otherwise we can continue to publish the paper," said Temesgen. "What we are hoping is the spirit of dictatorship that was taken off by the natural death of the late PM is gone. ... Maybe the new prime minister and his government, once settled in, may ease attacks on the free press."
Shimeles Kemal, communications state minister, denied that the government is telling the printer not to publish the papers.
"It is an absolute lie," he said. "The government does not have the province and jurisdiction to dictate a contract between a public company and its clients."
Shimeles said that the printer has the right to refuse to publish a publication that contains "rebellious material and materials that are in violation any written law."
A media rights official blamed the government.
"Barhanena Selam printing company is controlled by the state and its refusal to print Feteh and Finote Netsanet, two publications critical of the government, is a result of official pressure and political censorship," said Mohamed Keita of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists.
Meanwhile, CPJ last week said Ethiopia should stop harassing journalists covering Ethiopia's Muslim community after a reporter for the U.S.-government-funded Voice of America was briefly detained last week. The reporter was forced to erase interviews she had recorded at a protest by Ethiopia's Muslim community, CPJ said.

BY KIRUBEL TADESSE



Read more here: http://www.kansascity.com/2012/10/08/3857358/ethiopia-independent-papers-say.html#storylink=cpy

Sunday, October 7, 2012

ከፖለቲካ ፍጥጫው በስተጀርባ

ከፖለቲካ ፍጥጫው በስተጀርባ ( ከኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ) 
በገዢው ሰፈር ጎራ ለይቶ ከተለኮሰው የቡድን ፖለቲካዊ ፍጥጫ እና ሴራ ጀርባ አገር እና ህዝብን የሚጎዳ አደገኛ ተግባር በግልጽ እና በስውር እየተካሄደ እንዳለ ከተለያዩ የፓርቲው ምንጮች የተገኙ መረጃዎች ያመለክታሉ ።
በተለይ በብአዴን እና በህወሃት ቱባ አመራሮች መካከል ስር ሰዶ የቆየው እና የአቶ መለስን ህልፈት ተከትሎ ያገረሸው የውስጥ ሽኩቻ ሁለት ቡድኖች የሃይል አሰላለፋቸውን ለማጠናከር «ይረዱናል » የሚሏቸውን የሌሎች ፓርቲ ሹማምንት እና የ
መከላከያ የጦር አዛዦች ከጎን የማሰለፉን ተግባር ቀጥለውበታል።ለግንዛቤ እንዲረዳ የሃይል አሰላለፉን በጥቂቱ በመዳሰስ ወደ ዋናው ነጥብ እናምራ ።
ከበረከት እና ዓዜብ ጎን በመሰለፍ ቀዳሚ የሆኑት አቶ ተፈራ ዋልዋ እና አዲሱ ለገሰ ናቸው።አቶ አዲሱ በይፋ ከሚታወቀው የአየር መንገድ የቦርድ ሃላፊነታቸው ባሻገር ኮተቤ መስመር በሚገኘው እና «የአቢዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ ማኔጅመንት ት/ቤት »ተብሎ በተከፈተው ተቋም ዋና ሃላፊ እና ለባለስልጣናት እንዲሁም ካድሬዎች መምህር ጭምር ናቸው ። ከመለስ መታመም ወዲህ የህወሃት ካድሬ ላልሆኑ በአቶ አዲሱ እየተሰጠ ያለው ፖለቲካዊ ትምህርት ሳይሆን የበረከትን አቋም የሚያቀነቅን እና ህወሃትን የሚያጥላላ ቅስቀሳ ሆኖአል ።

በሌላ በኩል ዓዜብ ከጎኗ ማሰለፍ የቻለችው ጄነራል ሰአረ መኮንን እና እንዲሁም በእርሳቸው የሚመራውን ጦር ነው ።በተጨማሪም ቴዎድሮስ ሃጎስ ይገኛሉ ።የዓዜብ አስገራሚ “አቋም” በሶፊያን አህመድም ላይ ተንጸባርቋል።”ለኤርትራ ካሳ “በሚል 2.1 ቢሊዮን ብር ለሻብያ በሚስጥር እንዲሰጥ በፊርማቸው ጭምር ከወሰኑት መካከል አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ፣ሙሉጌታ አለም ሰገድ ፣ሟቹ አቃቤ ህግ መስፍን እና ሶፊያን አህመድ ይገኙበታል።ዓዜብ ከዚህ በመነሳት “መለስን የማይክዱ ታማኝ “ካለቻቸው አንዱ ሶፊያን ናቸው ።
በተቃራኒው በነስብሃት በኩል ያለው የሃይል አሰላለፍ ለየት የሚያደርገው በነ በረከት ቂም የቋጠሩ “ተገፊ እና አድፋጭ”አመራሮችን እያቀፈ መቀጠሉ ነው ።ስዩም መስፍን ፣ሃይለኪሮስ ገሰሰ፣አባዲ ዘሞ ፣ቢተው በላይ . . . .. .በከፊል ይጠቀሳሉ ።
ስዩም ከስልጣን ተነስተው የቻይና አምባሳደር መሆናቸው ከተገለጸ በኋላ በውጭ ጉዳይ ቢሮ የተመደቡ ሰባት አባላት በሂልተን ሆቴል የምሳ ግብዣ አድርገውላቸው የነበረ ሲሆን በወቅቱም “ከስልጣን እንደምነሳ ምንም የማውቀው አልነበረም።አስቀድሜ ባውቅ ኖሮ ለእናንተም ብዙ ነገር አደርግ ነበር፤ አዝናለሁ። የበረከት ፣መለስ እና አዜብ ስራ ነው “ብለው ስዩም በቁጭት እንደነገሯቸው በስፍራው ከነበሩ ማወቅ ተችሏል። በሌላም በኩል ሃይለኪሮስ ለበረከት ከፍተኛ ቂም አላቸው ።ከቻይና ቀጥሎ የሱዳን አምባሳደር ተደርገው ነበር ።በኋላም በቃኝ ብለው ከፓርቲው በመውጣት የግል ንግድ ውስጥ ተሰማርተው ቆይተዋል ።አሁን ደግሞ ለበቀል ሲሉ የስብሃትን ቡድን ተቀላቅለዋል ።እንዲሁም በመለስ/በረከት የማይወደዱት እና ሃይለኪሮስን ተክተው በሱዳን አምባሳደር እንዲሆኑ የተመደቡት አባዲ ዘሞ ሌላው የፍልሚያው ተሳታፊ ናቸው ።ድፍረት የተሞላበት የተቃውሞ ሃሳብ በመሰንዘር እና መለስን ጭምር በመጋፈጥ የሚታወቁት ብቸኛው አባዲ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ በህወሃት ካሉ ባለስልጣናት ሙስና ውስጥ ካልገቡ ሁለት ሰዎች አንዱ ናቸው በማለት ምንጮች ይመሰክራሉ ።ሁለተኛው ደግሞ አባይ ወልዱ ናቸው ሲሉ ያክላሉ ። ከህወሃት የተባረሩት አምባሳደር አውአሎም ወልዱ ወንድም ናቸው አቶ አባይ ወልዱ ።ቢሆንም አባይ በጣም ደረቅ እና አምባገነናዊ ስብእናም እንዳላቸው ምንጮቹ አልሸሸጉም።
በዚሁ ወደ ዋናዎቹ ሁለት ርእሰ ጉዳዮች እናምራ፤ የበረከት እና ስብሃት ጎራዎች አንዱ የሆነው የልዩነት ፍጥጫ የአቶ ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ እና የአቶ ደመቀ መኮንን ሹመት ይገኝበታል። ጠ/ሚ/ር ሃይለማርያምን በተመለከተ የተገኙ ተጨባጭ መረጃዎችን ለጊዜው እናቆያቸው ፤ትችት እና ወቀሳውንም እንዲሁ።ነገር ግን አቶ መለስ ማንኛውንም የፓርቲ አመራር ሲመለምሉ እና ሲያስመለምሉ የጀርባ ታሪኩን የሚያራምደውን አቋም . . . .መነሾ በማድረግ እንደሆነ የሚጠቁሙት ምንጮቹ አያይዘውም ፤ ተምሯል ፣ለሃገር እና ህዝብ ይሰራል. . .ወ.ዘ.ተ የሚለው በጭራሽ መስፈርት ሆኖ አይገባም ይላሉ ።የምልመላው ጥናት ቀንደኛ ተሳታፊ በረከት ሲሆኑ በመቀጠል የህወሃት አመራሮችም ይካፈላሉ ።ህወሃት ከበረሃ አንስቶ የተማረ አይወድም ፣ጠላቱ ነው ሲሉ የፓርቲው ምንጮች ያሰምሩበታል።
አቶ ሃይለማርያም ገና በጠዋት ለፓርቲው የተመለምሉበት የነመለስ-በረከት “መስፈርት”እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ የመለመላቸው ተ/ማርቆስ ተ/ማርያም የተባለ እና አሁንም ድረስ ከጀርባ ሆኖ የደቡብ ክልል ባለስልጣናትን እንዲሁም መስተዳድሩን እያሽከረከረ ያለ ካድሬ ነው።ተ/ማርቆስ በደርግ ዘመን በአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የፖለቲካል ሳይንስ ምሩቅ የነበረ እና በአስተማሪነት የተመደበ ፣እንዲሁም ወደ አርባምንጭ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ተዛውሮ ሲሰራ ከቆየ በኋላ በ1982 አመተ ምህረት ገደማ የተባረረ ነው። ኢህአዴግ ወደ ስልጣን ሲመጣ በአቶ ቢተው በላይ አማካይነት ተመለሰ ።ከዚያም በይፋ ያልተገለጸ ቁልፍ ስልጣን እንዲጨብጥ ተደረገ ፤በአጭሩ ሃይለማርያም ዛሬ ለደረሱበት የስልጣን ደረጃ ተ/ማርቆስ ለአቶ መለስ ያደረሰው የስለላ-ጥናት ውጤት ሲሆን ከዚሁ ጎን የባለቤታቸው ወ/ሮ ሮማን አቋም በነ መለስ “መስፈርት “ አሟልተው በመገኘታቸው ጭምር ነው ። በተመሳሳይ የበረከት ምልምል የሆኑት ደመቀ መኮንን በኢሰፓ አባልነት ይታማሉ ።
እነ ስብሃት ራሳቸው ሲከተሉት እና ሲያስፈጽሙት የነበረ በመሆኑ የሃ/ማርያም እና የደመቀ ሹመት በበረከት በኩል መከወኑ እጅግ አበሳጭቶአቸዋል።የጠቅላይ ሚንስትሩ ቀጣይ “አቋም” ይቀየራል ? ወይስ ከአሁኑ ማንጸባረቅ በጀመሩት የመለስ/በረከት አጥፊ መስመር ጉዞ ይቀጥላሉ ?የሚለው በተለያዩ ወገኖች ድብልቅልቅ ስሜት ፈጥሮአል ፡፤ለምሳሌ በቅርቡ በሰጡት መግለጫ ላይ “ቀይ መስመር፣ሰላማዊ እና ህጋዊ ባርኔጣ” በማለት ንጹሃን የህሊና እስረኛ ጋዜጠኞችን እና በሰላማዊ መንገድ የፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ በማድረጋቸው ብቻ ለእስር የተዳረጉ ወገኖችን ያለ ሃፍረት በጅምላ ወንጅለዋል።በዚህ ሳያበቁ “ከሻብያ ጋር በጠረጴዛ ዙሪያ መነጋገር እንፈልጋለን “ሲሉ የመለስ ፣በረከት እና ስብሃት . . . አቋም ቃል በቃል አንጸባርቀዋል።በረከት፣መለስን የተኩት የህወሃት ሊቀመንበር አባይ ወልዱ “ከተቃዋሚዎች ጋር ድርድር የማይታሰብ ነው “እያሉ በጥላቻ የታጠረ አቋማቸውን ሲገፉበት በሚስተዋልበት ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ዛሬም ሻእቢያ እግር ስር በመደፋት ልምምጥ እና ልመናው መቀጠሉ ፣በአንጻሩ በአገር ውስጥ እና በውጭ ያሉ የተቃዋሚ ሃይሎች የድርድር ጥያቄ መገፋቱ እና አፈናው ተጠናክሮ መቀጠሉ ሲታይ ፦በእርግጥም ከሃ/ማርያም ጀርባ ያለው “ሹፌር”ለኢትዮጵያ እና ህዝቧ ጥቅም ምንም ግድ የሌለው እንደሆነ በቀላሉ ያሳያል ይላሉ እነዚሁ ወገኖች ።
ወደተከታዩ ነጥብ ስንሻገር በአስደንጋጭ ሁኔታ በሃገሪቱ ተጠናክሮ የቀጠለውን የሙስና ዘመቻ እናገኛለን ። በግልጽ እና በስፋት የሙስናውን መንደር ከተቀላቀሉት እና “ተከታይዋ ወይም ግልገሏ አዜብ”የሚል ቅጽል የወጣላቸው የበረከት ስምኦን ባለቤት አሰፉ በቀዳሚነት ትጠቀሳለች ።በረከት “አሲ”እያሉ በቁልምጫ የሚጠሯት አሰፉን ጨምሮ 6 የቤተሰብ አባላት በፓርቲው አባላት “ደቂ ማዘር” በሚል መጠሪያ ይታወቃሉ ።የታምራት ላይኔ ባለቤት የዚሁ ቤተሰብ አባል ስትሆን ከብአዴን የወጣችው (ከ6ቱ)እሷ ብቻ ናት ።የታደሰ ጥንቅሹ ባለቤት እንዲሁ የአሰፉ ቤተሰብ አካል ናት ።
የበረከት ባለቤት አሰፉ የመንግስት ስራ በመተው ወደ ከፍተኛ ንግድ መግባቷ ምንጮቹ አረጋግጠዋል። በአስመጭና ላኪ ንግድ የተሰማራችው አሰፉ በተለይ ወደ ዱባይ እና ሳኡዲ የተዘጋጁ የከብት ስጋ እና ቡና በመላክ እንዲሁም ከዱባይ እና ቻይና የሞባይል ቀፎዎችን የመኪና መለዋወጫ እቃዎችን እና የተለያየ ይዘት ያላቸውን ጄነረተሮች በማስመጣት ንግዷን አጧጡፋለች ።አብዛኞቹ ቀረጥ ሳይከፈልባቸው በጉምሩክ ሰትት ብለው እንደሚያልፉ ሲታወቅ የአዜብ ቀጥተኛ ድጋፍ እና ትእዛዝ እንዳለበት ተጠቁሞአል። አብዛኛውን ጊዜ ሁለቱም አብረው እንደሚያሳልፉ ምንጮቹ ገልጸዋል። በአስር ሚሊዮኖች የሚገመት ዶላር በመዛቅ ላይ የምትገኘው የበረከት ሚስት አሰፉ ለህወሃት ስር የሰደደ ጥላቻ እንዳላት የገለጹት እነዚህ ወገኖች በተደጋጋሚ ይህን አቋሟን በይፋ ስታንጸባርቅ መታየቷን አስታውቀዋል።
በሌላም በኩል አባይ ፀሃዬ ለበርካታ ባለሃብቶች በመቶ ሚሊዮን የሚቆጠር ብድር በመፍቀድ በቅርብ ስጋ ዘመዶቻቸው በኩል ሃብት እንዳካበቱ ታውቆአል ። ቀደም ሲል የነበራቸውን የኢትዮጵያ ንግድ ባንክ የቦርድ ሃላፊነት ተገን አድርገው የፈጸሙት ዘረፋ ነው።የሙስናው ተዋናዮች አምስት የአባይ ጸሃይዬ የቅርብ ዘመዶች ናቸው ። ባለሃብቶችን በማግባባት ደላላ ሆነው እየቀረቡ በተፈለገው መጠን የገንዘብ ብድር ማሰጠት እንደሚችሉ ከገለጹ በኋላ ያለምንም ውጣ ውረድ አባይ ጸሃዬ እንዲፈቅዱ ይደረጋል። ከብድሩ እስከ 50 ሚሊዮን ኮሚሽን ይወስዱ እንደነበር ተጠቁሞአል ።ተመሳሳይ ተግባር አቶ ግርማ ብሩ ይፈጽሙ እንደነበር ምንጮቹ አያይዘው ገልጸዋል። በተለይ “ራዲሰን”የተባለው እና ካዛንችስ አካባቢ የተገነባው ባለአምስት ኮከብ ሆቴል ለግንባታ ተብሎ የተፈቀደለት 400 ሚሊዮን የብድር ገንዘብ እንደሆነ ሲረጋገጥ ከዚህ ገንዘብ ባለስልጣናቱ በኮሚሽን መልክ 150 ሚሊዮን ኪሳቸው እንደከተቱ ተረጋግጦአል። በጣም የሚገርመው ሸራተን ሆቴል እንኳን በአንድ መቶ ሰባ ሚሊዮን እንደ ተገነባ በይፋ እየተነገረ ለዚህኛው ሆቴል ግን ሁለት እጥፍ በብድር ስም ተፈቅዶ ሲመዘበር አቶ መለስ ጭምር ያውቁ ነበር ።በማያያዝም በባንክ ብድር የተሰራው ሸራተን ላለፉት 15 አመታት ብድሩን ያለመክፈሉና ባለፈው አመት ባንኩ የመሰረተው ክስ እንዲቆም መደረጉ አስገራሚ ሆኖአል ።ይህ እዳ ሳይከፈል በባንኩ የዳይሬክተሮች ቦርድ አቶ በረከት ስምኦን ትእዛዝ 942 ሚሊዮን ብር ለሼሁ ድርጅቶች መፈቀዱ እና በቅርቡ ደግሞ ታግዶአል መባሉ እንቆቅልሽ ከመሆኑም ባሻገር ምን ያክል የተበላሸ እና ከቁጥጥር ውጭ የሆነ ስርአት አልበኝነት በሃገሪቱ መንገሱ አመላካች ነው ተብሎአል ።በነገራችን ላይ አቶ በረከት ወደ ደቡብ አፍሪካ በሼሁ ቻርተር አውሮፕላኖች እንደሚመላለሱ ምንጮቹ አረጋግጠዋል ።
በሌላም በኩል በቃሊቲ- አቃቂ በ7 ቢሊዮን የተቋቋመው ግዙፍ የብረት ማቅለጫ ፋብሪካ ሲጠቀስ ከጀርባ የአንበሳው ድርሻ ባለቤቶች ስዩም መስፍን እና አዲሱ ለገሰ ይገኛሉ ። ከዚህ በማስከተል በተለያዩ ባለስልጣናት የተገነቡ እና እየተገነቡ ያሉ የሙስና ውጤቶች እንመልክት ።በትግራይ መቀሌ ከተማ “ለአካባቢ የአየር ጥበቃ “በሚል ተተክሎ የነበረውን ደን በመጨፍጨፍ መሬቱን የተቀራመቱት ስብሃት ነጋ ፣ቴዎድሮስ ሃጎስ ፣ሃለቃ ጸጋይ፣ጎበዛይ ፣ኪሮስ ቢተው፣ተክለወይኒ፣. . . . ዋና ዋናዎቹ ናቸው ።”አፓርታይድ መንደር”በሚል በነዋሪው በተሰየመው በዚህ ቦታ የተደረገው የአደባባይ የመሬት ቅርምት የተቃወመ የማዘጋጃቤት ሃላፊ ከስልጣን ተነስቶ እስካሁን የደረሰበትም አይታወቅም ።የተጠቀሱት የህወሃት ሹማምንት እጅግ ምርጥ እና ዘመናዊ ቪላ በጥድፊያ እያስገነቡ እንዳሉ ሲታወቅ ባለ ሁለት እና ሶስት ፎቅ የሆኑት ቪላዎች ከአስር ሚሊዮን ብር በላይ ለእያንዳንዱ ቤት ግንባታ መድበው ስራውን ወደ ማጠናቀቅ መድረሳቸውን ማረጋገጥ ተችሎአል ። በስምንት ሚሊዮን ብር የተገነባው የኪሮስ ቢተው ዘመናዊ ባለ ሁለት ቪላ ግንባታው በቅርቡ እንደተጠናቀቀ ታውቆአል።
ሽማግሌው ስብሃት በቀድሞው የአየር ሃይል ም/አዛዥ ጄነራል ሰለሞን እና በአሜሪካ በሲያትል እና በዋሽንግተን ዲሲ በሚኖሩ ስምንት የስብሃት የአጎት እና የአክስት ልጆች ስም በአክሲዮን ሽፋን የከፈቱት “ሉሲ አካዳሚ”ከሙስና የተገኘ ትልቅ የገቢ “ዘረፋ” ምንጭ ሆኖአል ።አካዳሚው በገርጂ እና ሳር ቤት – ባለ ስድስት ፎቅ ህንጻ አቅፎአል።የፌደራል ፖሊስ ም/ኮሚሽነር ሃሰን ሺፋ በቦሌ ያስገነቡት ባለሁለት ቤት ቪላ ተጠናቆ በየወሩ 25 ሺህ ብር መከራየት ጀምሮአል። የጄነራል ሳሞራ ቪላ ከለንደን ካፌ ፊት ለፊት ሲገኝ ከ1997 አመተ ምህረት ጀምሮ በየወሩ 30 ሺህ ብር ይከራያል። ባለ ሶስት ፎቅ የአባዱላ ቪላ ከሳሞራ ቪላ ቀጥሎ ሲገኝ ከሚያዚያ 97 አመተ ምህረት ጀምሮ በየወሩ 4 ሺህ ዶላር ለነጮች ይከራያል። ቦሌ ኤርፖርት መግቢያ ከኖክ ማደያ ጀርባ የብርሃነ ገ/ክርስቶስ እና የአዲስአለም ባሌማ ተወዳዳሪ ያልተገኘለት ባለሶስት ፎቅ ምርጥ ቪላዎች ይገኛሉ።በ1988 አመተ ምህረት የተገነቡት የሁለቱ ቪላ ሁለት የአሜሪካ ከፍተኛ መኮንኖች እያንዳንዳቸው በአራት አራት ሺህ ዶልር ተከራይተውታል። ከኢምፔሪያል ሆቴል አጠገብ የተገነባው እና በሰባት ሚሊዮን ብር ወጪ የተሰራው የተፈራ ዋልዋ ባለ ሦስት ፎቅ ቪላ በወር 30 ሺህ ብር መከራየት የጀመረው በ97 አመተ ምህረት መጨረሻ ነበር።የሙስናው ዝርዝር እና ስፋት በጣም ሰፊ ነው ።ወደ ውጭ እየሸሸ የሚገኘው የሃገር እና ህዝብ ሃብት ሳይካተት ማለት ነው ።
በዚህ አጋጣሚ ሳይጠቀስ የማይታለፈው በታይላንድ ባንኮክ የሚጸመው አሳዛኝ የሙስና ድራማ ነው። በርካታ የህወሃት ጄነራሎች እና ሌሎች ባለስልጣናት ከራሳቸው አልፈው የቅርብ ዘመዶቻቸውን እና ውሽሞቻቸውን ጭምር በከፍተኛ ወጭ ማሳከምን ተያይዘውታል። ከህወሃት ጀነራሎች መካከል ጄነራል ሰአረ እና ጀነራል ተስፋዬ በዋናነት ይጠቀሳሉ ።የሆስፒታሉ የህክምና ወጭ እንዲሁም የሚያርፉባቸው ባለ5 ኮከብ ሆቴሎች (ኢንተር ኮንቲኔታል እና ቻል ዲፖሎ )ናቸው ። በየሶስት ወሩ በሚቀርበው የክፍያ ዝርዝር ሪፖርት ከሰባት እስከ አንድ ሚሊዮን ዶላር እንደሚከፈል የቅርብ እማኞች ያስረዳሉ።
ከፍተኛ ክፍያ የተፈጸመው ለአባዱላ ገመዳ ልጅ ነው ።የሶስት አመቷ ህጻን ዲቦራ አባዱላ ስትወለድ የአንጀት ፣የሳምባ እና የአእምሮ ችግር ነበረባት ።ለሁለት አመት ተከታታይ ህክምና ተደረገላት ።የአባዱላ ባለቤት ራሄል ልጇን ያን ያክል ጊዜ ስታስታምም ባለአምስት ኮከብ ሆቴል ቪላ ተከራይታ ነበር ።የሁለት አመት የተከፈለው አጠቃላይ ወጪ 2.5 ሚሊዮን ዶላር እንደነበር ተረጋግጦአል። በአሁኑ ወቅት አባዱላ ሼሁን ተገን አድርገው ከበረከት ጎን ተሰልፈዋል።
በመጨረሻም አዜብ መስፍንን ከኤፈርት ለማስነሳት ሰፊ ዘመቻ በህወሃት አመራር ውስጥ መከፈቱን ለማወቅ ተችሎአል ። የፓርቲው ሰዎች “የአዜብ ጸሃይ እየጠለቀች ነው “ብለዋል ።በቅርቡ አሜሪካ የቀሩት የአዜብ ምክትል ጌታቸው በላይ ለሽማግሌው ስብሃት ነጋ የቅርብ ዘመድ ሲሆኑ ከአቶ መለስ ጋር ደግሞ አብሮ አደግ ጎረቤቶች እንደነበሩ ታውቆአል። በኤፈርት የአዜብ ፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ያስመርራቸው እንደነበር ሲታወቅ ከነበራቸው የሚንስትርነት ስልጣን ወደታች መንሸራተታቸው ቅሬታ አሳድሮባቸው እንደቆየ የቅርብ ምንጮች ጠቁመዋል ። የሙስናው ጉዳይ እንዲጣራ አንድ ፖለቲከኛ ጥቆማ ስጥተዋል።

ኦህዴድ ጁነዲን ሳዶን አሰናበተ!

በኢህ አዴግ ድርጅቶች ውስጥ ከፍተኛ መተራመስ ውስጥ የሚገኙት የህወሃት እና የኦህዴድ ድርጅቶች መሆናቸውን በተደጋጋሚ ባቀረብናቸው ዘገባዎች መግለጻችን ይታወሳል። ህወሃት ከመለስ ዜናዊ ሞት በኋላ፤ አባይ ወልዱን በሊቀመንበርነት መርጦ ስራውን ቀጥሏል። የኦሮሚያው ኦህዴድ ደግሞ፤ አዲስ ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር ከተሾመ ወዲህ በኩርፊያ እና በቁጭት እየተተራመሰ ይገኛል። የኦህዴድ ሊቀመንበር አቶ አለማየሁ ታሞ አልጋ ላይ ከዋለ የሰነበተ ሲሆን፤ በሱ ምትክ አዲስ ሊቀመንበር የመምረጡ ሂደት በራሱ ሌላ ውዝግብ አስነስቷል። ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ የኦህዴድ አባላት ሰሞኑን ባደረጉት ስብሰባ ጁናዲን ሳዶን ከስራ አስፈጻሚነት አሰናብተዋል። የሪፖርተር ጋዜጣ ሙሉ ዘገባ ቀጥሎ ቀርቧል።

የሲቪል ሰርቪስ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ ጁነዲን ሳዶ ከኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦሕዴድ) ሥራ አስፈጻሚነት ተነስተው በተራ አባልነት እንዲቀጥሉ ድርጅቱ መወሰኑን ምንጮች ለሪፖርተር አስታወቁ፡፡
የኦሕዴድ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ ከመስከረም 21 ቀን እስከ መስከረም 24 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ባካሄደው ዓመታዊ ጉባዔው ላይ፣ በሟች እናታቸው መኖሪያ ላይ እያሠሩት ካለው መስጅድ ጋር በተያያዘ የተገመገሙት ሚኒስትር ጁነዲን፣ ከፍተኛ የዲሲፕሊን ጉድለት መፈጸማቸውንና ካሉበት ኃላፊነትና ሥልጣን አኳያ ተገቢ ያልሆነ ሥራ መሥራታቸው በዋናነት እንደተገመገሙበት ምንጮቹ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡

አቶ ጁነዲን በእናታቸው የኑዛዜ ቃል መሠረት በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው ላይ መስጅድ ለማስገንባት፣ በሚኒስትርነታቸው ሳይሆን በግለሰብ ደረጃ ለመስጅዱ ማስጨረሻ ከሳዑዲ ዓረቢያ ኤምባሲ ዕርዳታ በመጠየቃቸው፣ የመስጅዱ የመጀመሪያ ደረጃ ምርቃት ሲደረግ በኢትዮጵያ የሳዑዲ ዓረቢያ አምባሳደር ተገኝተው 500 ቅዱስ ቁርአንና 50 ሺሕ ብር ዕርዳታ መስጠታቸውን ራሳቸው አቶ ጁነዲን በጻፉት ደብዳቤ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡

ባለቤታቸው አምባሳደሩ የሰጡትን 50 ሺሕ ብር ለመቀበል ኤምባሲ ሄደው ተቀብለው ሲወጡ፣ ለሽብር ተግባር የሚውል ገንዘብ ተቀብለዋል በሚል ተጠርጥረው በቁጥጥር ሥር መዋላቸው መዘገቡ ይታወሳል፡፡ አቶ ጁነዲን በጻፉት ደብዳቤ ግን ባለቤታቸው የተከበሩ የቤት እመቤት መሆናቸውን ገልጸው ነበር፡፡

በዚህም ምክንያት በኦሕዴድ ሥራ አስፈጻሚ ስበሰባ ላይ በተደረገው ግምገማ፣ ከሥራ አስፈጻሚነት ተነስተው በተራ አባልነት እንዲቀጥሉ መወሰኑን ምንጮቹ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡

ድርጅቱ የ2004 ዓ.ም. በጀት ዓመት የሥራ አፈጻጸምን አንድ በአንድ የገመገመ መሆኑን የገለጹት ምንጮች፣ በፀጥታው ዘርፍ በተለይ ቦረና አካባቢ ተፈጥሮ በነበረው ግጭት ላይ ድክመት መታየቱንና ወደፊት ሊታሰብበት እንደሚገባ ሰፊ ውይይት እንደተደረገበት ተናግረዋል፡፡

በሪፖርቱ ላይ የታዩትንና ድክመት ያለባቸውን አንዳንድ የሥራ ዘርፎች በቀጣይ እንዲስተካከሉ ሐሳብ ተሰጥቶ ጉባዔው መጠናቀቁ ታወቋል፡፡ በድርጅቱ ውስጥ ያሉ አመራሮች እንዳሉ እንዲቀጥሉ ከማድረግ ውጭ ከኃላፊነቱ የተነሳም ሆነ የተሾመ አመራር እንደሌለ ታውቋል፡፡

Saturday, October 6, 2012

Ethiopia: Business as Usual


Ethiopia: Business as Usual

Despite Meles' passing, Ethiopia is continuing to conduct repressive policies, and international donors are continuing to ignore them.

A protest in Addis Ababa in 2005. Photograph by Andrew Heavens.
Amid the tributes to Ethiopia’s recently departed prime minister was much twittering (and tweeting) about ‘stability’ and the ‘transition’, especially from Ethiopia’s foreign donors. There is considerable concern that without Meles Zenawi, the charismatic former rebel leader who ruled Ethiopia for 21 years until his death, the country may implode, infighting might engulf the ruling party or Ethiopia’s fragile economic growth might reverse. While these fears about the country’s stability are warranted, there has been little recognition of the role that human rights play in underpinning stability. Sadly that is nothing new.
On September 21, Meles’ former deputy and foreign minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, was sworn inas his successor as both prime minister and ruling party chief. In his inauguration speech, Hailemariam pledged to continue Meles’ policies. These, it should be remembered, included not only far-reaching plans for economic development, but crushing political opposition, the evisceration of independent media and civil society, and the use of arbitrary detention, torture, and other repressive measures to suppress dissent.
Three days later, the World Bank approved its biggest grant to Ethiopia, $600 million, for the third phase of its flagship Protection of Basic Services (PBS) programme, along with a new Country Partnership Strategy for Ethiopia, largely drafted before Meles died, that will underpin $1.15 billion in new loans. The new Country Partnership Strategy makes no reference to the deteriorating human rights situation over the past seven years or the complex political landscape that Ethiopia now faces with Meles’ death. The only glancing reference to the profound political and human rights problems in Ethiopia comes in the last line of the document, which reads, “In the longer term there is also a risk associated with the next elections, scheduled for 2015”. Indeed there is a risk to the country’s stability created by long-suppressed basic freedoms of speech, association, assembly and democratic choice. But it is not a risk that the World Bank and other donors have done anything to mitigate.
Ethiopia’s transition is an important opportunity for Ethiopia’s friends and foreign partners to pause and encourage the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front to return to a democratic path, respect the constitution by lifting restrictions on civil society and the press, and release political prisoners – all steps that would go a significant way to releasing the building pressure from years of repression.
So far, the party has released two Swedish journalists jailed last year for trying to report on rights abuses in Ethiopia’s Somali Region, a positive step but one that was in the works long before Meles’ death. Meanwhile, donors have said nothing about the nine local journalists who remain jailed on trumped-up charges of terrorism, or the hundreds of other political prisoners. Business as usual with Ethiopia apparently requires donors like the US, EU and UK with human rights policies and commitments to develop a blind spot to legitimate concerns that in other countries they routinely denounce.

A forgotten concern?

In 2005, after 200 people protesting the elections were killed and at least 30,000 opposition supporters, journalists, civil society leaders (including the staff of Action Aid and other charities) were detained, donors were forced to act, suspending direct budget support to Ethiopia. Less than a year later, aid resumed, albeit through different channels, although a 2006 interim Country Strategy noted concerns over the overlap between the state and the ruling party and risks that aid funds could be “captured” and used to bolster the regime.
Two years later, the 2008 strategy document minimised those earlier concerns, paving the way for a massive increase in aid to Ethiopia. It turned Ethiopia’s democratic deficit into a technical issue, a problem that could be addressed by building the capacity of parliament and other key institutions: in other words, not an issue of political will, but a problem that could be solved with money.
Five years on, the new country strategy published on September 25 ignores the thorny questions of human rights, democracy and good governance completely, aside from a focus on fiscal accountability. Early on the text declares that, “Good governance and state building form the foundation of the Country Partnership Strategy” – but that’s it. The rest of the document is a thorough-going plan for increasing the capacity of a one-party state in precisely the way that the 2006 strategy feared.
At least it has the advantage of clarity: it doesn’t attempt to square uncomfortable realities like how the World Bank’s social accountability component – designed to increase civic participation and programme accountability through monitoring by NGOs - is compatible with Ethiopia’s NGO law that has closed or shackled nearly all independent organisations working on good governance, human rights, advocacy and other sensitive issues. Nor does it answer the question of how a programme founded on good governance deals with a government that won over 99% of the vote in local and general elections.

The Meles conundrum

Working on Ethiopia over the last four years I have become familiar with the confused reactions of diplomats and aid officials as they struggle to reconcile the official narrative about Ethiopia with their experience on the ground. As Human Rights Watch has presented report after report of compelling evidence of human rights abuses, some of them connected to foreign aid programs, donors have agreed with us in private, promised to investigate, publicly dismissed our findings, reneged on their promise to investigate, and then denied the problem exists. They cannot seem to decide whether Ethiopia is a development miracle or a brutal dictatorship. As one shrewd junior official put it to me, “Meles Zenawi messes with your head”.
Ethiopia’s vision that it will join the ranks of middle income countries by 2020 is repeated throughout the World Bank’s new country strategy but there is little mention of the methods with which this growth is being achieved. I never doubted Meles’s intentions or his zeal. But the gap between his vision and the reality was startling, and brutal. He pursued an approach to development that would not fly in most of the countries that gave him money. Indeed, the development economists from Western aid agencies I spoke to were a little envious of his power to commission dams and lease thousands of hectares of indigenous land without a nod to anyone. But the approach is founded on the ruling party wielding complete and unchallenged power with no room for any dissenting voices, and it relies on fear.
Meles made this approach more palatable through a combination of shrewd arguments and by limiting the contradictory reports from the ground. From 2005 onward, the ability of foreigners to access sensitive information in Ethiopia, and the ability of Ethiopians to access independent information in their own country, has steadily shrunk. As bad news bubbled up from below, more journalists fled the country after being threatened, more independent papers closed, and an alarming number of journalists ended up in jail on vague charges.
The experience of the 2010 elections was instructive. Human Rights Watch spent over six months in the countryside documenting a subtle but systematic crackdown on opposition offices, rallies, and membership through the ruling party’s pervasive state apparatus, including withholding food aid, seeds, fertilisers and jobs. Meanwhile, in Addis Ababa, Meles invited the leadership of opposition parties to conferences and, when they pulled out complaining of the noose tightening around the neck of their membership, the government painted them as spoilers. The ruling party won 99.6% of the vote, and all but two of the 547 seats in parliament.
When Human Rights Watch presented its findings of the widespread manipulation of development aid, donors claimed they had no evidence to support our allegations, even though they hadn’t really investigated. And had they tried, officially, they would have been escorted by Ethiopian government officials who would have tracked down their sources, forcing them to recant or threatening their families.

Paid for by donors

In the five lowland regions of Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, Afar, Somali and the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR), large scale “villagisation” programmes areresettling 1.5 million people, purportedly so that the government can better reach them with schools, hospitals and water pumps; services paid for by the PBS programme mentioned above, recently renewed.
Villagisation is not a new concept in Ethiopia; successive governments have tried to move rural communities for ideological and practical agricultural reasons. Under Mengistu Haile Mariam, it was known as collectivisation and it contributed to appalling abuses, including the terrible famine of the 1980s. A major difference in the contemporary version is that foreign donors are effectively paying for it. As Human Rights Watch showed in a January 2012 report, many people in the Gambella region are being forcibly displaced – away from existing services to unfertile areas without amenities, and people have suffered food shortages as a result.
Prior to the Bank’s decision to approve PBS III, Human Rights Watch called on the World Bank to delay the decision on the $600 million, to trigger the Bank’s safeguards on forced displacement and indigenous peoples, and assess the very real risks that Bank money might be contributing to rights violations. They didn’t.
Meanwhile, in South Omo, Africa’s tallest dam is being constructed in the absence of proper environmental and social impact assessments. A power line to carry electricity to Kenya is also being funded by the World Bank, although not the controversial dam itself. Downstream, hundreds of thousands of pastoralists are in the process of being ‘villagised’, their riverside gardens flooded and grazing areas turned into enormous sugar plantations upon which they are expected to work. The effect on Kenya’s Lake Turkana – which is fed by the Omo River – is uncertain and a further 300,000 people in Kenya risk impoverishment too. The Ethiopian government, keen to show off its infrastructure, takes journalists on guided tours of the dam but forbids the indigenous people of South Omo from talking to the media – threatening those who do. The absence of a free media to test and examine official claims allows donors the chance to choose whom to believe.

Business as usual

But stability and prosperity cannot be founded on repression, forced displacement, interference in the courts and closing down the opposition, media and civil society. Donors forget that, at least according to their own policies and commitments, economic development and human rights go hand in hand.
They are about to be reminded. A case in the UK is being brought by Leigh Day and Co. on behalf of a man from Gambella. Mr O alleges that the UK Department for International Development contributed to Ethiopia’s villagisation programme (via PBS) that displaced him and destroyed his livelihood. The case aims at a judicial review of the department’s human rights policy on Ethiopia. In Washington, the day before the World Bank approved all that new money, another group of residents from Gambella filed a complaint with the World Bank’s own accountability mechanism, contending that the Bank had ignored its own policies on forced displacement and indigenous peoples in Ethiopia.
In the risks to Ethiopia’s expected economic growth that are enumerated in the Bank’s new country strategy, opposition from the people who are supposed to be beneficiaries is not mentioned at all. That may be business as usual in Ethiopia, where voicing your real opinion typically lands you in jail, but it shouldn’t be business as usual at the Bank.
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Oromo, On The Move


By Laalo Guduru
 When the EPRDF came to power I was an elementary school student. Since then I have completed my education and became a lawyer. I grew up in an interesting time – in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when the Oromo student movement was still active and was openly anti-EPRDF and very much pro-OLF, which I was part of. Even though I dodged imprisonment, I saw friends imprisoned, tortured, expelled from school or flee their country and become refugees.
During the same period I have also seen dramatic changes happening with my own eyes in the country. I started my education in Amharic. When I was in junior high school the medium of instruction changed to Oromo. Government functions also started to be conducted, at least in my area, in Afaan Oromo. Therefore, I believe  I am a semi-Qubee generation Oromo.
Although at the initial stage in Oromia we used to see a lot of Tigrean soldiers in our areas and we felt we were living under an occupation force, it has been awhile since this occured – now their visibility has drastically diminished, and their direct interference ceased. Almost all the bureaucracy in Oromia is currently manned by Oromos. If there is any interference it is behind the scenes or only at a higher level.
On the contrary, Oromo independent newspapers, publications and media that cropped up after the fall of the Dergue are slowly but surely disappearing. I have also seen the best Oromo minds and artists fleeing the country and being wasted in foreign countries. At the same time I have seen Oromo culture reviving, Oromo music flourishing and state TV transmitting Oromo programs, and the exiled artists coming back. I have also witnessed thousands and thousands of Oromos graduating in a variety of fields from different universities at a level not ever seen in the past.
There is no question that mainly Oromia’s resources and tax revenue by and large, along with the resource of other regional states, subsidizes the spectacular development in Tigrai and the meteoric rise of Tigrean millionaires.  It is a indisputable that in proportion to their population and even in absolute terms, the number of nouveau riche Tigreans created under EPRDF rule exceeds by far the number of new members added to the business class from other ethnic groups. However, compared to our population size, even though the number of rich Oromos is still pitiful, it is undeniable that today there are more Oromo businessmen than ever in our history.  There are clear indications that the Oromo middle class is in the process of being formed. If things continue the way they are, there is no question that within a short period of time the Oromo middle class will attain a critical mass with a greater influence.
The moral of the story is that the last twenty years of EPRDF rule is the most paradoxical, enigmatic and even schizophrenic era, with mixed bag results.  It is an era characterized by the coexistence of conflicting and contradictory results happening at the same time. On the one hand politically it was a shameful period for Oromos in that we were totally dominated and defeated by a minority population that makes up one tenth of our population size. It was a time in which even an organization that was representing Oromos in parliament was an organization made for us by an alien force.  It was a time when even though the Oromos had the plurality in the parliament they were acting under the command of the TPLF.
However, on the other hand, this is a period that saw the colonial structure that put the Oromos under bondage being dismantled.  This is the first time in recent history that Oromos started to administer themselves in their areas on this scale, and presented to the world as such. As a result, even though there are still inequities, currently it’s very hard to consider the Oromos as a subaltern society. Some of these fundamental changes happened, however, not because of the TPLF’s wishes, but in spite of them.
The Ethiopian constitution, in spite of all its weaknesses, by recognizing the rights of nations and nationalities has established the foundations on which the Oromo as a nation could make, at least on paper, and even more, a claim to political power – not only in local self-administration, but also a claim to federal power. The politico-administrative structure that for the first time recognized Oromia, and the associated thinking behind it, created a fundamental change with far-reaching consequences.  The death of Meles Zenawi clearly accentuates the undercurrent changes that had been occurring in the country without many taking note of it.
These changes did not occur or are not occurring through an abrupt reversal the of political system accompanied by social, cultural, and economic unrest.  Instead, incremental yet slow changes, even after the OLF was defeated, are steadily taking place, subtly altering the structure beneath the surface and eventually shaking things upside down. I don’t think that many Oromos are sufficiently appreciative or even understanding of the nature of the changes that are taking place.  These changes are happening in ways that are too subtle for the average person to perceive. Unless Oromo politicians recognize the changes that have occurred in Ethiopia and chart their policies based on that, they will commit a grave error that could affect our people for generations to come.
The EPRDF unleashed ethnic politics as official state policy with the hope of controlling Oromo issues when possible through the tactic of preemption, by answering legitimate Oromo questions before they become more serious, and when this was not possible by quashing them through using state coercive forces.  It had been remarkably successful on both fronts.
However, unbeknownst to the TPLF, in the undercurrent, changes that will bring to an end to TPLF dominance as we know it have been brewing. Despite the suppression of Oromo nationalism, despite the defeat of the OLF at the hands of the EPRDF, and despite the relegation of the OPDO to second fiddle, the Oromo educated professionals and technocrats within and outside the OPDO were able to successfully carve out a space for themselves and widen the scope of their influence and power in Oromia. This happened as a result of the three factors briefly mentioned above. First, the number of educated Oromos has increased tremendously over the last 10-15 years. Second, these are the people who are now exclusively dominating the middle and higher level bureaucracy in Oromia. And third, these are the Qubee generation who grew up under the EPRDF rule, believing in Oromia. A new Qubee generation has come of age and attitudinal change has settled in Oromia.
The change in the thinking that occurred in the last few years is not only confined to Oromos.  Unlike Ethiopians who left the country 10 or more years ago, the young generation that grew up under EPRDF rule does not have much of a problem with the existence of Oromia. Therefore, irrespective of whatever happened under EPRDF rule, when it comes to ethnic equality, there has been a tremendous change in the attitude of the so-called Abyssinians, particularly in the urban population.
In fact even the middle-aged Abyssinian educated class living in Ethiopia has grudgingly come to terms with the idea of ethnic federalism.  There has been not only acceptance of the idea that each ethnic group should manage their affairs in their own regional state, but there is also acceptance that real power should be equitably shared between ethnic groups for Ethiopia to continue existing as a country. Undoubtedly we are in a new age where a new consciousness is emerging. Unlike the diaspora Ethiopians, the people living in Ethiopia have realized the choice is no longer between ethnic federalism and unitary Ethiopia, but between ethnic federalism and no Ethiopia.
This brings me to the succession melodrama that followed the death of the “great leader” and the direction that the country needs to take.  Ethiopia is a very complex society. It is also unique in many ways, and so demands a commensurable distinct solution to the intricate problems that have baffled and eluded us up to now.   It has now become a hackneyed phrase to say that Ethiopia is at a crossroads.  But this time, it is the real deal, we are at THE crossroads. This country has reached a crossroads many times in the past, but unfortunately has a knack of always taking the wrong turn at each opportunity.
There is now a consensus that Dessalegn Hailemariam was made a premier replacing Meles Zenawi not because the constitution requires it, or because he excels due to his personal qualifications, but because he was found to be a person who could stave off any power struggle within the EPRDF.
Since the EPRDF’s ascendance to power, the country has had only one prime minister and two or three deputy prime ministers.  The prime minister was from Tigrai, and deputies have been either Amhara or from the Southern people.  No one from the OPDO, an organization that has the most representatives of any in the parliament and represents the most populated region in the country, has been prime minister or deputy prime minister.  The only position that appears reserved for the Oromos are the useless symbolic positions such as the presidency.  This is an insult not only to the OPDO as an organization, but also to the Oromo people as a nation.  This is also one more clear piece of evidence that Oromos are still living under a system of domination.
The Oromo, the largest national group in Ethiopia, have been without power since occupation for the last hundred and plus years.  Unless there is a conspiracy to maintain the imperial nature of the Ethiopian state, and thus disqualify an Oromo from holding the highest position in the country, there is no any other rational explanation or justification, even following EPRDF thinking, why an Oromo has yet to be named prime minister in this day and age. A Tigrean was prime minister and head of the state for the last 21 years. The Amharas had been in power prior to that for almost a century.  This is the most perplexing and vexing question – why the Oromo have been jumped over and positions given to those from other minority groups.  Wouldn’t simple fairness have dictated that an Oromo prime minister would have been appointed by now?
This is a legitimate question that everyone should ask. And not only is this a question of fairness, but also a question of great political value. Making an Oromo a prime minister has tangible political and symbolic value for the whole country and thus should be a demand for all. From an Oromo angle, if an Oromo is made a prime minister and acquires real power, this goes a long way in eliminating once and for all the imperial nature of the Ethiopian state, whether perceived or real. Once we have an Oromo prime minister with real power, and Oromia administering itself, it would no longer be possible to claim that Oromia is still a colonized state.
For Tigreans, who want to cling to power at any cost for fear that the Amharas would come to power and centralize everything and take away the rights Tigreans have come to enjoy, this move of making an Oromo a prime minister should allay the fear, because Oromos believe equally in federalism, if not more, and are against the unitary form of government.  Besides, Oromos have no claim to any territory of Tigrai, and the most robust exercise of Oromo rights short of independence would not affect or infringe on the rights and interests of Tigreans.
For Amharas who are very much concerned about the unity of the country, this is a great opportunity because the making of an Oromo a prime minister would take the wind out of the independence sail, as advocated by a substantial section of the Oromo intellectuals. Moreover, for the Amhara urban intellectuals, who are concerned about freedom of speech and other individual liberty rights, the ascendance of an Oromo to a premiership position creates a great opportunity to establish liberty through rational deliberation and procedural fairness. Making an Oromo a prime minster creates an opportunity to establish a democratic society, because unlike the TPLF, the Oromos have nothing to lose from democracy and are not afraid of free and fair elections, and therefore will not resort to all kinds of political shenanigans and machinations à la TPLF.
Compared to the Amhara and Tigreans, the Oromos share with the southern nations, Somalis, Afar and people in Gambela more wealth of historical and cultural references that accumulated throughout centuries as a result of linguistic, cultural, environmental and geographical affinities.  With all the southern peoples of this region we also share a history of military occupation and its consequent cultural, social and economic ailments. Thus, the making of an Oromo a prime minister with real power will be a giant step forward towards reversing northerners’ domination and establishing a just society.
In short, for the country to continue existing as one entity, it is high time that the center of political gravity shifts from north to south. “There are numerous historical examples that support an objective political law – the oppression can exist and “men of the day” can exercise their authority for a long period of time, but this state of monolith strength cannot last forever” (T.S. Tsonchev). Oromos taking executive leadership of the ountry and the making of Oromia as the center of political power will create not only an opportunity to keep the country intact, but most importantly it will play a crucial role in establishing an inclusive, democratic and stable multicultural federal country.

Friday, October 5, 2012

በአዲስ አበባ የቪኦኤ ወኪል ጋዜጠኛ ማርቲ ቫን ደ ወልፍ ታሰረች። እንደ ሲፒጄ መግለጫ፤ ጋዜጠኛ ማርቲ የታሠረችው፤ የዛሬውን ሙስሊሞች ተቃውሞ በአንዋር መስጊድ በመገኘት የዘገባ ሽፋን እየሰጠች ባለችበት ጊዜ ነው። ከወራት በፊት የቪኦኤው ፒተር ሀይንላይን የሙስሊሞችን እንቅስቃሴ እየዘገበ ሳለ እንዲሁ ከአንዋር መስጊድ መታሰሩ ይታወሳል። የሲፒጄ መግለጫ እነሆ፦


Ethiopia harasses Voice of America and its sources

Police detained a journalist covering this protest by Ethiopian Muslims today. (EthioTube)
Police detained a journalist covering this protest by Ethiopian Muslims today. (EthioTube)
Nairobi, October 5, 2012--Ethiopian authorities should halt their harassment of journalists covering the country's Muslim community and their intimidation of citizens who have tried to speak to reporters about sensitive religious, ethnic, and political issues, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.
Police in the capital, Addis Ababa, briefly detained Marthe Van Der Wolf, a reporter with the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of Americaas she was covering a protest by members of Ethiopia's Muslim community at the Anwar Mosque, local journalists said. The protesters were demonstrating against alleged government interference in Islamic Council elections scheduled for Sunday, according to VOA and local journalists.
Wolf was taken to a police station and told to erase her recorded interviews, and then released without charge, local journalists said.
This week, security officers have also harassed Ethiopian citizens who were interviewed by VOA's Amharic-language service, according to the station. Police arrested two individuals who spoke to VOA on Thursday about a land dispute outside the capital, VOA reported. On Monday, police harassed individuals who spoke to the station about a dispute over resources between ethnic communities, the outlet said.
"We urge the government's leadership to set a new tone of tolerance and halt the bullying tactics of the past," said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. "Citizens should be allowed to voice their opinions to journalists without fearing arrest or intimidation, and reporters should be allowed to cover even those events the government dislikes."
For much of the year, Ethiopian authorities have cracked down on journalists and news outlets reporting on the unprecedented protests by members of the Muslim community, according to CPJ research. In May, police detained former VOA correspondent Peter Heinlein overnight on accusations of "illegal reporting" for covering a similar protest, VOAreported.
VOA released a statement today that condemned the harassment and obstruction and said the incident was "designed to prevent journalists from doing their job."
Three Muslim-oriented papers have not been published in the country since July after police raided the outlets and searched the homes of their editors. Yusuf Getachew, editor of Ye Muslimoch Guday, has been imprisoned on charges of treason and incitement to violence for reporting on the grievances of the Muslim community, and at least two journalists, Senior Editor Akemel Negash and copy editor Isaac Eshetu, have fled into hiding, according to CPJ research.
With six journalists in jail, Ethiopia is the second leading jailer of journalists in Africa, second only to its neighbor, Eritrea, according to CPJ research.